- Uighurs, a Turkic-speaking Muslim group
- Uighurs are the largest ethnic group in Xinjiang but are a minority in Urumqi, where Han Chinese make up more than 70 percent of the population of two million or so. The Chinese government has encouraged Han migration to the city and other parts of Xinjiang, fueling resentment among the Uighurs.
- Uighurs make up about half of the 20 million people in Xinjiang but are a minority in Urumqi, where Han Chinese dominate. The Chinese government has encouraged Han migration to many parts of Xinjiang, and Uighurs say that the Han tend to get the better jobs in Urumqi. The government also maintains tight control on the practice of Islam, which many Uighurs cite as a source of frustration.
“7•5”之乱后, 纽约时报有一大篇文章专讲维吾尔人的,全文如下:
The Uighurs
Peter Parks/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Updated July 16, 2009Peter Parks/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
The Uighurs (pronounced WEE-gerz) are a Turkic-speaking Muslim group who number about nine million in Xinjiang, a vast, restive desert region of Western China. Many Uighurs resent rule by the Han Chinese, and Chinese security forces have tried to keep oil-rich Xinjiang under tight control since the 1990s, when cities there were struck by waves of protests, riots and bombings.
In the summer of 2008, attacks on security forces took place in
several cities in Xinjiang; the Chinese government blamed separatist
groups.
On July 5, 2009 rioting broke out in Urumqi, the capital of
Xinjiang, after days of rising tensions between Uighurs and Han
Chinese. The clashes began when the police confronted a protest march
held by Uighurs to demand a full government investigation of a brawl
between Uighur and Han workers in a toy factory on June 25 in Shaoguan,
1800 miles from Xinjiang. Two Uighur men were killed and 120 injured in
the violence at the toy factory. Many Uighurs believe that the
government did too little to investigate the incident, and anger about
the government's perceived lack of action was the spark that led to
renewed violence in Urumqi on July 5.
As of July 15, the Chinese state news agency was reporting that 192 people had been killed and more than 1,000 injured in the Urumqi riot. The casualty toll, if confirmed, would make this the deadliest outbreak of violence in China in many years.
A Communist Party leader from the region pledged to seek the death penalty for anyone behind the strife. Li Zhi, the party boss in Urumqi, said that many suspected instigators of the riots had been arrested and that most were students. His promise to seek the death sentence for those responsible came as China's president, Hu Jintao, cut short his stay in Italy, where he had planned to attend a Group of 8 summit meeting, to deal with aftermath of the riots.
Many Uighurs say the Chinese government has taken a strict line on issues that go to the heart of Uighur identity.
The vast majority of Uighurs are Sunni Muslims, but the practice of Islam is tightly circumscribed. Government workers are not allowed to practice the religion. Imams cannot teach the Koran in private, and study of Arabic is allowed only at designated government schools. Two of Islam's five pillars - the sacred fasting month of Ramadan and the pilgrimage to Mecca, the hajj - are also closely managed: students and government workers are compelled to eat during Ramadan, and passports of Uighurs have been confiscated to force them to join official hajj tours.
Uighurs have also figured prominently in a recent court case concerning the detainees the United States has held at Guantánamo Bay Naval Camp, prompting a long legal fight.
A group of Uighurs fled what they called Chinese persecution and
spent part of 2001 in Afghanistan at a Uighur encampment. They left the
camp, apparently unarmed, when Americans bombed it. After being turned
into the authorities by Pakistani villagers in return for an American
bounty, the men eventually ended up imprisoned at Guantánamo .
Years later, American officials concluded that the men should not be considered enemy combatants, and some have been released. Disputes over where to resettle the prisoners have complicated the process.
By IAN JOHNSON
This month's rioting in the capital of China's northwestern Xinjiang region left 197 people dead and more than 1,700 injured, the government says. According to official statistics, most victims were ethnic Chinese, or Han, attacked by Uighurs, the once-dominant group in Xinjiang that is increasingly being eclipsed.
Although the immediate catalyst for the attacks appears to have been the murder of two Uighurs in a southern Chinese factory, longer-term problems have simmered. Like Tibetans, who rioted last year against Han partly in protest of growing Han control of their region's economic life, many Uighurs feel that Han are taking over Xinjiang's economy. Most galling to some Uighurs, Han seem to be taking over traditional Uighur industries -- from traditional markets to Muslim foodstuffs.
In downtown Urumqi, for example, the main marketplace is in Han hands, although it features sculptures of Uighur merchants outside and bills itself as a grand Central Asian bazaar to rival Istanbul or Samarkand. Even some large companies making halal foods -- those prepared according to Muslim purity laws -- are run by Han and not Uighurs. In tourism, which has boomed in recent years by featuring the exoticism of the Uighur culture, Han companies seem to dominate.
An exact calculation of ethnic income or hiring isn't possible because while the government collects such figures, it doesn't make them public. But available statistics indicate a stubborn gap. Xinjiang's economy has doubled from 2002 to 2008, but it remains reliant on energy -- especially oil, coal and gas -- for 60% of its economic output. The companies involved in these industries are run by Han companies, and visits to oil fields suggest that most employees are Han Chinese.
Rural statistics also imply ethnic inequality. Most Uighurs live in
the countryside, especially in the southern part of the province. Last
year, government statistics showed rural annual income averaged 3,800
yuan ($560) in Xinjiang as a whole, but for rural residents in southern
Xinjiang it is much lower. For example rural residents around the oasis
town of Khotan earn 2,226 yuan a year, according to government figures.
Agriculture in northern Xinjiang, which is less arid and supports
cotton farming, is controlled by the Han-dominated Xinjiang Production
and Construction Corps, a quasi-military organization established to
pacify the region.
![[Left Out]](http://s.wsj.net/public/resources/images/NA-AZ107_CETHNI_NS_20090720200344.gif)
Government programs have sought to level this imbalance. Soft loans to small-scale farmers, most of whom are Uighurs, have enabled them to expand production. The government has also encouraged large food companies to sign long-term contracts with small farmers to give them some economic stability.
"The government really has made a good-faith effort to improve minorities' livelihood," said Wang Ning, an economist at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences.
Anecdotal evidence suggests Han control has expanded beyond the
obvious areas of energy and large-scale agriculture. Huo Lanlan is a
prominent Han entrepreneur who runs Xinjiang Jiayu Industrial &
Trading Co. Her company offers 46 halal food products, from lamb and
horse meat to camel and chicken.It is now one of Xinjiang's largest
halal food processors, supplying Air China with food for its flights to
Xinjiang and Muslim countries.
Most of her 300 employees, however, are Han, she says. She says she has a few Uighur employees, such as a cleaning lady, but all top positions are Han. "It's a requirement of all halal food companies to have Uighur employees," she said.
Equally striking is the Grand Bazaar. Once a stronghold of Uighur entrepreneurs, most of the bazaar was torn down and rebuilt in 2003 by a Hong Kong developer and Xinjiang Grandscape Group, a Han-run company. Just like in the fabled Silk Road city of Kashgar, whose old town is being torn down by the city's Han mayor, many Uighurs seem uneasy by the developments.
The new bazaar now features anchor tenants, such as a Kentucky Fried Chicken and French department-store chain Carrefour, both run by Han Chinese. Located in the heart of the Uighur part of Urumqi, it hasn't yet been reopened because many of the tenants are Han and afraid to return there, according to Han and Uighur business people interviewed.
Across the street is what is left of the traditional bazaar, a ramshackle series of alleys lined with small-scale Uighur businesses. The area is one of the last parts of the city where riot police are omnipresent, and the road between the old and new bazaars is still blocked to traffic.
"We are not so well organized like the Han," said one Uighur who owns a stand selling jeans. "They have the bazaar now."
—Jason Dean in Beijing contributed to this article. Write to Ian Johnson at ian.johnson@wsj.com
URUMQI,
China -- As Chinese leaders look to prevent another outbreak of ethnic
violence, they face a key question: how to spread China's growing
wealth to its ethnic minorities when they are losing control over even
their traditional industries?
This month's rioting in the capital of China's northwestern Xinjiang region left 197 people dead and more than 1,700 injured, the government says. According to official statistics, most victims were ethnic Chinese, or Han, attacked by Uighurs, the once-dominant group in Xinjiang that is increasingly being eclipsed.
Although the immediate catalyst for the attacks appears to have been the murder of two Uighurs in a southern Chinese factory, longer-term problems have simmered. Like Tibetans, who rioted last year against Han partly in protest of growing Han control of their region's economic life, many Uighurs feel that Han are taking over Xinjiang's economy. Most galling to some Uighurs, Han seem to be taking over traditional Uighur industries -- from traditional markets to Muslim foodstuffs.
Associated Press
A Muslim man sells chicken at his stall in a predominantly Uighur neighborhood in Urumqi, China.
A Muslim man sells chicken at his stall in a predominantly Uighur neighborhood in Urumqi, China.
In downtown Urumqi, for example, the main marketplace is in Han hands, although it features sculptures of Uighur merchants outside and bills itself as a grand Central Asian bazaar to rival Istanbul or Samarkand. Even some large companies making halal foods -- those prepared according to Muslim purity laws -- are run by Han and not Uighurs. In tourism, which has boomed in recent years by featuring the exoticism of the Uighur culture, Han companies seem to dominate.
"For the Uighurs, it's their homeland, but they're not the ones who
have benefited from economic growth and development," says Jing Huang,
a professor of Chinese politics at National University of Singapore.
More than 90% of China's population is Han, with the rest divided
among 55 smaller ethnic groups. China aims to help its minorities
through an array of generous policies, from easier college admission to
soft loans and hiring requirements. Some of these have helped to create
a small class of prosperous Uighurs who sit on government advisory
boards and have risen to top levels in the region's government. The
current head of the exiled Uighur opposition, Rebiya Kadeer, for
example, was a prominent Uighur businesswoman before she left.
An exact calculation of ethnic income or hiring isn't possible because while the government collects such figures, it doesn't make them public. But available statistics indicate a stubborn gap. Xinjiang's economy has doubled from 2002 to 2008, but it remains reliant on energy -- especially oil, coal and gas -- for 60% of its economic output. The companies involved in these industries are run by Han companies, and visits to oil fields suggest that most employees are Han Chinese.
Government programs have sought to level this imbalance. Soft loans to small-scale farmers, most of whom are Uighurs, have enabled them to expand production. The government has also encouraged large food companies to sign long-term contracts with small farmers to give them some economic stability.
"The government really has made a good-faith effort to improve minorities' livelihood," said Wang Ning, an economist at the Xinjiang Academy of Social Sciences.
Most of her 300 employees, however, are Han, she says. She says she has a few Uighur employees, such as a cleaning lady, but all top positions are Han. "It's a requirement of all halal food companies to have Uighur employees," she said.
Equally striking is the Grand Bazaar. Once a stronghold of Uighur entrepreneurs, most of the bazaar was torn down and rebuilt in 2003 by a Hong Kong developer and Xinjiang Grandscape Group, a Han-run company. Just like in the fabled Silk Road city of Kashgar, whose old town is being torn down by the city's Han mayor, many Uighurs seem uneasy by the developments.
The new bazaar now features anchor tenants, such as a Kentucky Fried Chicken and French department-store chain Carrefour, both run by Han Chinese. Located in the heart of the Uighur part of Urumqi, it hasn't yet been reopened because many of the tenants are Han and afraid to return there, according to Han and Uighur business people interviewed.
Across the street is what is left of the traditional bazaar, a ramshackle series of alleys lined with small-scale Uighur businesses. The area is one of the last parts of the city where riot police are omnipresent, and the road between the old and new bazaars is still blocked to traffic.
"We are not so well organized like the Han," said one Uighur who owns a stand selling jeans. "They have the bazaar now."
—Jason Dean in Beijing contributed to this article. Write to Ian Johnson at ian.johnson@wsj.com
Washington Post :
- The Uyghurs are a Turkic speaking Muslim people who share more culturally and historically with people to the west of Xinjiang, particularly in former Soviet Central Asia, than they do with the Han Chinese. Physically, Uyghurs do not look like Han Chinese. Their physical types are much more diverse given that Central Asia has long been a crossroads of civilizations, and they have many European physical characteristics that would likely distinguish them from the Han.
- Uyghurs are mostly Sunni Muslims, but they are also many Sufi sects in Xinjiang. Generally, the Chinese government has been quite diligent in preventing middle eastern countries from fostering fundamentalism, and particularly political Islam, among the Uyghurs. China has established close ties with Pakistan and continually addresses this issue with the Pakistani leadership. Likewise, China has established critical economic relations with the Arab states, especially through oil deals, which helps to discourage any Arab support for Uyghur separatism.
- Uighurs --- Sometimes called China's "other Tibet," the Uighur ethnic minority
has a long history in Xinjiang Province, in the northwest region of the
country. Like Tibetans, they are a non-Han indigenous group that has
claimed autonomy from Beijing since coming under Communist rule in
1949. Distant relatives of the Turks, most Uighurs practice Islam and
account for more than half of all Muslims in China. The group has their
own language which belongs to the Turkic group of the Altaic branch,
while their written language is based on Arabic characters. Uighurs
generally live in more rural areas, dominating the agricultural river
valleys of the West, growing mainly wheat, maize, paddy rice and
cotton. Uighur means "unity" or "alliance."
After taking control of Xinxiang in 1949, the Communist government
encouraged Han Chinese to settle in the region, and they moved
primarily into the cities and to large government-operated farms.
Originally a minority in the area, Han Chinese are now almost equal in
number to the Uighurs. The Uighurs have largely come to resent the Han,
accusing them of discrimination and of dominating government and
economic positions.
The Uighurs have clashed repeatedly with the Chinese government over attempts to push for more autonomy and economic opportunity, with some Uighurs waging violent campaigns for independence. In turn, Beijing has cracked down during periods of unrest, accusing the Uighurs of being terrorists. Most recently, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has said that the Uighurs may have ties with Osama Bin Laden and al-Qaeda. In 2008, police arrested 82 Uighurs for allegedly plotting an attack at the summer Olympic Games. The Uighurs, however, blame Beijing for discrimination, saying they are peaceful activists who have been unfairly accused of terrorism.
Wiki :
The Uyghur (Uyghur: ئۇيغۇر; simplified Chinese: 维吾尔; traditional Chinese: 維吾爾; pinyin: Wéiwú'ěr; IPA: [ʔʊɪˈʁʊː][2]) are a Turkic ethnic group living in Eastern and Central Asia. Today Uyghurs live primarily in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of China. Politically, there has been an independence movement since 1933 to create a new sovereign state, Uyghurstan or East Turkistan.
Large diasporic communities of Uyghurs exist in the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. Smaller communities are found in Mongolia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Russia and Taoyuan County of Hunan province in south-central Mainland China.[3] Uyghur neighborhoods can be found in major Chinese cities like Beijing and Shanghai.[4]
