Aug 4, 2011 12:08 AM
當中國還有話語權的時候， 文章寫得擲地有聲， 當年尼克松朝頭爛額的程度跟今日的奧巴馬差不多， 可能有過之而無不及， 當年指責美元中滲透了世界勞動人民的鮮血如今還是很适用, 當年說美國只能是一天一天爛下去，“一代不如一代”說得一點也沒錯! 那時中國沒有錢但是充滿自信， 這種自信能否在我們有生之年重現得靠我們的努力了!
走投無路的自供狀——評尼克松的“就職演說”和蘇修叛徒集團的無恥捧場
《人民日報》、《紅旗》雜志評論員(1969.01.28)
約翰遜下台，尼克松上台，這件事發生在二十世紀六十年代的最后一年。一月二十日，在美國人民的怒吼聲中，這位美帝國主義的頭子心惊膽戰地發表了一篇“就職演說”。廣播一響，資本主義世界的輿論立即用一种哭喪著臉的腔調紛紛評論，說是演說時廣場上气氛“寒冷而陰沉”，演說“調子低沉”，“曖昧不明”，“壓抑多于豪放”，“面臨超出人力的困難”，“几乎是難以克服的困難”，“是一個不祥的警告”。總之，連資本主義世界內部也深深感到，這篇“低調”演說反映了美帝國主義日暮途窮、進一步走向滅亡的困境，是美帝國主義（實際上也包括蘇修叛徒集團和一切反動派）的一篇內外交困、走投無路的自供狀。
美國壟斷資產階級為了挽救帝國主義制度的危机，把尼克松捧上了台，本來是要辦一場喜事的。然而，這場喜事卻辦得和喪事一樣。特務、警察層層“保護”，連尼克松發表演說的講台也用防彈玻璃板擋了起來。西方報刊嘲笑說，尼克松的就職演說是“玻璃罩里的演說”。這篇“玻璃罩里的演說”，對于全世界革命人民，卻是一种絕妙的反面教材，它使我們進一步看清美帝國主義十分虛弱的紙老虎的本質，它幫助我們認識美帝國主義將要采取的反革命策略。
毛主席指出：“一切反動勢力在他們行將滅亡的時候，總是要進行垂死掙扎的。他們必然要采取軍事冒險和政治欺騙的种种手段，來挽救自己的滅亡。”尼克松這篇演說的特點，就是更多使用政治欺騙的手段，來掩蓋它的軍事侵略。尼克松說，“在這些困難的年代里，美國得了玩弄字眼的狂熱病。”他的演說，恰恰就是這樣一個“玩弄字眼”的標本。
尼克松玩弄了一些什么“字眼”呢？一曰“團結”，二曰“和平”，三曰“精神”。
面對國內階級矛盾空前劇烈，美國工人階級、青年學生、被壓迫的黑人的階級斗爭覺悟迅速提高，廣大人民的革命群眾運動蓬勃發展，尼克松不得不承認，美帝國主義面臨“動亂的深淵”（按：應讀為人民革命的怒濤）。他失神惊呼道：“我們陷入了分裂”。占人口百分之九十五以上的美國人民同壓迫和剝削他們的壟斷資產階級及其政治制度“分裂”，這是极大的好事。這种“分裂”標志著人民的覺醒，這种“分裂”表現了美國無產階級和廣大被壓迫人民反對美帝國主義統治集團的階級斗爭有了很大的進步，這种“分裂”是偉大的無產階級革命的先兆，這种“分裂”最后將把美帝國主義送入“深淵”。尼克松害怕“分裂”，反映了資產階級對于偉大的人民革命力量的恐懼心理。怎么辦呢？尼克松聲嘶力竭地喊叫“需要團結”，說什么大家應當“一起向前進”，事情“由政府和人民一起來做”等等。黑人群眾和种族主義者，工人和資本家，廣大人民和反動統治集團，怎么能夠“團結”呢？尼克松要同美國人民“一起前進”，豈不“前進”到那送掉帝國主義性命的“動亂的深淵”中去了嗎？狼吃羊的時候要羊“一起來做”，這豈不使人笑掉了牙齒！？這种拙劣的階級調和論的欺騙，充分表現了尼克松感到自己在“分裂”即被壓迫人民的革命斗爭面前無能為力，因而只能喊几句騙人的鬼話，妄圖削弱美國人民的怒火，并且求得自我安慰。
面對著洶涌澎湃的世界人民革命怒潮，尼克松無可奈何地說成是什么“地球上陷入了吵吵鬧鬧的不和”，“陷入了戰爭”。他一而再、再而三地使用“和平”這個“字眼”，什么“我們需要和平”之類，一共用了十几次之多。這個地球上确實是“吵吵鬧鬧”，很不“和平”，其根源則是有一個以美國為首的帝國主義，還有一個以蘇修叛徒集團為中心的現代修正主義，收買了一小撮走狗，要奴役和剝削全世界人民，要發動侵略戰爭。打倒了美帝、蘇修及其走狗，消滅了人剝削人的制度，世界就會有真正的“和平”。美帝國主義的先生們，你們不是那么熱心要做“和平締造者”嗎 ？為什么不把用來殺人的八百多億美元的軍費拋到海里去呢？為什么不從台灣海峽、從越南、從亞洲、非洲、拉丁美洲、從世界上一切被你們侵占的地方把你們的侵略軍隊撤走呢？為什么不把那些大大小小的走狗統統踢開呢？如其不然，這個“地球”上就不但要“吵吵鬧鬧”，而且一定會進一步掀起無產階級革命和人民革命的大風暴，進一步燃起革命戰爭的烈火，直到把你們和一切害人虫掃除干淨 。美國壟斷資本喉舌《美國新聞与世界報道》在展望今年的世界形勢時寫道：美國“不管朝地球上什么地方看，都會發現麻煩。一個又一個國家，一個又一個地區都在發出風暴警報”，美國反動派“在地平線上几乎看不到什么光明的地方”。這正是道出了尼克松那种恐懼不安的時代背景。
尼克松胡說什么“對于精神方面的危机，我們需要用精神方面的解決辦法。”你們的“危机”豈但是“精神方面”？這是政治、經濟、軍事、文化也包括“精神” 在內的總危机。美國社會千瘡百孔，金融財政危机日益加深，經濟情況進一步惡化，通貨膨脹惡性發展，國際收支逆差巨大，美元地位岌岌可危，生產“過剩”危机陰云密布等一系列險象，世人有目共睹，豈是“富裕社會”几個騙人的字所掩蓋得了的！？他的前任約翰遜在下台的前夕，就憂心忡忡地承認美國陷于嚴重的財政經濟危机之中，遇到了“難于應付”的“挑戰”。難道這些“挑戰”由于尼克松進入白宮就煙消云散了嗎？想用“精神危机”來掩蓋美帝國主義在物質方面和政治方面的困難，這种鴕鳥的伎倆簡直比“此地無銀三百兩”還要笨。尼克松招供說：美帝國主義 “在精神方面卻是貧乏的”，這句話說對了。美帝國主義、蘇聯修正主義及世界上一切反動派，他們在“精神上”确實“貧乏”到再也拿不出什么貨色來了。馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想的偉大精神力量，喚醒了和正在繼續喚醒著全世界億万人民起來戰斗，把一切剝削階級反動思想拋到垃圾堆里去。尼克松念念有詞地祈求“上帝”保佑之后，挖空心思地拿出几件破銅爛鐵，什么“善良”，“仁慈”，“博愛”等等，只能引起一陣陣嘲笑，哪能擋得住馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想在全世界的胜利進軍！
尼克松環顧全球，舉目無親，除了世界上那些大大小小的反動派之外，他把最大的希望寄托在美帝國主義的頭號幫凶蘇修叛徒集團身上。尼克松在就職演說中接過了蘇修的口號，大肆鼓吹要同蘇修“開展一場和平競賽”，要同蘇修“共同合作”，進入“新的世界”，等等。而蘇修叛徒集團也把最大的希望寄托在美帝國主義身上。這伙叛徒們肉麻地向新上任的尼克松作了最無恥的捧場，表示什么“最良好的祝愿”，說什么要“共同解決業已成熟的國際問題”，并且就在尼克松上台的同一天迫不及待地拋出了關于裁軍問題的“政策聲明”，作為賀禮和獻媚。還特別安排了“著名的”教會頭目和“理論物理學家”在尼克松上台這一天“乘飛机前往美國”。蘇修報刊甚至吹噓尼克松可以使美國資本主義“最終擺脫最复雜的危机”。卑躬屈膝，真是竭盡阿諛逢迎之能事！
“同病相怜”，确是如此，尼克松這一篇無可奈何的供狀，其實也代表了蘇修叛徒集團走投無路的心境。蘇聯工人階級和勞動人民反對蘇修叛徒集團反動統治的斗爭日益發展，蘇修叛徒集團侵占捷克斯洛伐克象一根自己套在脖子上的絞索，越拉越緊。蘇修叛徒們的日子越來越不好過。在這种情況下，勃列日涅夫、柯西金集團，就迫不及待地把希望寄托在美帝新頭目的支持，妄圖用美蘇互相勾結重新瓜分世界，來挽救它徹底失敗的命運。然而，兩個快要淹死的人相互拉扯只能使他們下沉得更快。蘇修這一切丑態，只能使全世界人民進一步看清它作為美帝幫凶的反革命面目，促進自己的滅亡。
我們的偉大領袖毛主席一九四七年在談到美帝國主義的外強中干時就指出：“它的強大，只是表面的和暫時的。國內國外的各种不可調和的矛盾，就象一座火山，每天都在威脅美國帝國主義，美國帝國主義就是坐在這座火山上。”毛主席還教導我們：“搗亂，失敗，再搗亂，再失敗，直至滅亡——這就是帝國主義和世界上一切反動派對待人民事業的邏輯，他們決不會違背這個邏輯的。這是一條馬克思主義的定律。”尼克松的就職演說盡管無可奈何地反映了美帝國主義的內外交困，走投無路，但是同時也表明它還是要繼續進行垂死掙扎。尼克松并不掩飾，他不論在國內還是在國外都將繼續使用反革命的兩手，妄圖挽救美帝國主義的嚴重的政治經濟危机，實現美帝國主義的反革命全球戰略。他一面向美國人民開出一大堆“自由”、“福利”的空頭支票，一面叫嚷要維護所謂“法律”、“秩序”，進一步鎮壓美國人民。他一面侈談“締造和平”，一面狂叫什么“我們需要多么強大，我們就一定會有多么強大”。這都說明，尼克松決心要沿著杜魯門、艾森豪威爾、肯尼迪、約翰遜的老路繼續蠻干下去。階級斗爭的歷史經驗告訴我們：每當美帝國主義嘴里高唱“和平”的時候，也就是它准備進一步擴軍備戰的時候。我們必須牢牢記住毛主席的教導：“被壓迫人民和被壓迫民族，決不能把自己的解放寄托在帝國主義及其走狗的‘明智’上面，而只有通過加強團結、堅持斗爭，才能取得胜利。” 我們一定要百倍提高革命警惕，把反對帝國主義、現代修正主義、各國反動派的偉大斗爭進行到底。
走投無路的尼克松竟說到了未來。這倒是頗為稀奇的：他竟談論起“第三個一千年的開始”和“再過八年”要“慶祝”美國“建國二百周年”。快要進墳墓的人用幻想中的天堂來安慰自己，這反映了一种接近死亡的階級的自我麻醉和絕望掙扎。我們的時代，是世界革命的偉大的新時代，是帝國主義走向全面崩潰、社會主義走向全世界胜利的時代。從一七七六年通過獨立宣言以來，美國經歷了發展和沒落的過程。近兩百年的歷史中，美帝國主義在世界上干盡了坏事，美元中滲透了世界勞動人民的鮮血，現在已經到了日暮途窮，只能是一天一天爛下去，“一代不如一代”。這就決定了尼克松政府的處境只會比它的前任更坏，而尼克松的后任的處境只能比尼克松更坏。“再過八年”，不管美國壟斷資產階級換上什么人當“總統”，其境遇只能比尼克松更慘。這就是現實的回答。至于到“第三個一千年的開始”即二○○一年時，那將是無產階級革命在全世界胜利的光輝節日，是馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想在全世界胜利的光輝節日。革命的人們將用《共產党宣言》中的預言作自己的凱歌：“無產者在這個革命中失去的只是自己頸上的鎖鏈。而他們所能獲得的卻是整個世界。”
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MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans——and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years——the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America——the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things——such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another——until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways——to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart——to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before——not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life——in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people——enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.
With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit——each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.
I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure——one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.
The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.
Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.
The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.
As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.
No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.
This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.
As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.
Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.
After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.
Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.
We seek an open world——open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people——a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.
We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.
Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition——not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.
As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together——not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.
With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.
But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.
Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.
I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.
I know that peace does not come through wishing for it——that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.
I also know the people of the world.
I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.
I know America. I know the heart of America is good.
I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.
Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:
The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.
Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.
As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth——and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.
In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:
"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold——brothers who know now they are truly brothers."
In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity——seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.
We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.
Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness—— and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
當中國還有話語權的時候， 文章寫得擲地有聲， 當年尼克松朝頭爛額的程度跟今日的奧巴馬差不多， 可能有過之而無不及， 當年指責美元中滲透了世界勞動人民的鮮血如今還是很适用, 當年說美國只能是一天一天爛下去，“一代不如一代”說得一點也沒錯! 那時中國沒有錢但是充滿自信， 這種自信能否在我們有生之年重現得靠我們的努力了!
走投無路的自供狀——評尼克松的“就職演說”和蘇修叛徒集團的無恥捧場
《人民日報》、《紅旗》雜志評論員(1969.01.28)
約翰遜下台，尼克松上台，這件事發生在二十世紀六十年代的最后一年。一月二十日，在美國人民的怒吼聲中，這位美帝國主義的頭子心惊膽戰地發表了一篇“就職演說”。廣播一響，資本主義世界的輿論立即用一种哭喪著臉的腔調紛紛評論，說是演說時廣場上气氛“寒冷而陰沉”，演說“調子低沉”，“曖昧不明”，“壓抑多于豪放”，“面臨超出人力的困難”，“几乎是難以克服的困難”，“是一個不祥的警告”。總之，連資本主義世界內部也深深感到，這篇“低調”演說反映了美帝國主義日暮途窮、進一步走向滅亡的困境，是美帝國主義（實際上也包括蘇修叛徒集團和一切反動派）的一篇內外交困、走投無路的自供狀。
美國壟斷資產階級為了挽救帝國主義制度的危机，把尼克松捧上了台，本來是要辦一場喜事的。然而，這場喜事卻辦得和喪事一樣。特務、警察層層“保護”，連尼克松發表演說的講台也用防彈玻璃板擋了起來。西方報刊嘲笑說，尼克松的就職演說是“玻璃罩里的演說”。這篇“玻璃罩里的演說”，對于全世界革命人民，卻是一种絕妙的反面教材，它使我們進一步看清美帝國主義十分虛弱的紙老虎的本質，它幫助我們認識美帝國主義將要采取的反革命策略。
毛主席指出：“一切反動勢力在他們行將滅亡的時候，總是要進行垂死掙扎的。他們必然要采取軍事冒險和政治欺騙的种种手段，來挽救自己的滅亡。”尼克松這篇演說的特點，就是更多使用政治欺騙的手段，來掩蓋它的軍事侵略。尼克松說，“在這些困難的年代里，美國得了玩弄字眼的狂熱病。”他的演說，恰恰就是這樣一個“玩弄字眼”的標本。
尼克松玩弄了一些什么“字眼”呢？一曰“團結”，二曰“和平”，三曰“精神”。
面對國內階級矛盾空前劇烈，美國工人階級、青年學生、被壓迫的黑人的階級斗爭覺悟迅速提高，廣大人民的革命群眾運動蓬勃發展，尼克松不得不承認，美帝國主義面臨“動亂的深淵”（按：應讀為人民革命的怒濤）。他失神惊呼道：“我們陷入了分裂”。占人口百分之九十五以上的美國人民同壓迫和剝削他們的壟斷資產階級及其政治制度“分裂”，這是极大的好事。這种“分裂”標志著人民的覺醒，這种“分裂”表現了美國無產階級和廣大被壓迫人民反對美帝國主義統治集團的階級斗爭有了很大的進步，這种“分裂”是偉大的無產階級革命的先兆，這种“分裂”最后將把美帝國主義送入“深淵”。尼克松害怕“分裂”，反映了資產階級對于偉大的人民革命力量的恐懼心理。怎么辦呢？尼克松聲嘶力竭地喊叫“需要團結”，說什么大家應當“一起向前進”，事情“由政府和人民一起來做”等等。黑人群眾和种族主義者，工人和資本家，廣大人民和反動統治集團，怎么能夠“團結”呢？尼克松要同美國人民“一起前進”，豈不“前進”到那送掉帝國主義性命的“動亂的深淵”中去了嗎？狼吃羊的時候要羊“一起來做”，這豈不使人笑掉了牙齒！？這种拙劣的階級調和論的欺騙，充分表現了尼克松感到自己在“分裂”即被壓迫人民的革命斗爭面前無能為力，因而只能喊几句騙人的鬼話，妄圖削弱美國人民的怒火，并且求得自我安慰。
面對著洶涌澎湃的世界人民革命怒潮，尼克松無可奈何地說成是什么“地球上陷入了吵吵鬧鬧的不和”，“陷入了戰爭”。他一而再、再而三地使用“和平”這個“字眼”，什么“我們需要和平”之類，一共用了十几次之多。這個地球上确實是“吵吵鬧鬧”，很不“和平”，其根源則是有一個以美國為首的帝國主義，還有一個以蘇修叛徒集團為中心的現代修正主義，收買了一小撮走狗，要奴役和剝削全世界人民，要發動侵略戰爭。打倒了美帝、蘇修及其走狗，消滅了人剝削人的制度，世界就會有真正的“和平”。美帝國主義的先生們，你們不是那么熱心要做“和平締造者”嗎 ？為什么不把用來殺人的八百多億美元的軍費拋到海里去呢？為什么不從台灣海峽、從越南、從亞洲、非洲、拉丁美洲、從世界上一切被你們侵占的地方把你們的侵略軍隊撤走呢？為什么不把那些大大小小的走狗統統踢開呢？如其不然，這個“地球”上就不但要“吵吵鬧鬧”，而且一定會進一步掀起無產階級革命和人民革命的大風暴，進一步燃起革命戰爭的烈火，直到把你們和一切害人虫掃除干淨 。美國壟斷資本喉舌《美國新聞与世界報道》在展望今年的世界形勢時寫道：美國“不管朝地球上什么地方看，都會發現麻煩。一個又一個國家，一個又一個地區都在發出風暴警報”，美國反動派“在地平線上几乎看不到什么光明的地方”。這正是道出了尼克松那种恐懼不安的時代背景。
尼克松胡說什么“對于精神方面的危机，我們需要用精神方面的解決辦法。”你們的“危机”豈但是“精神方面”？這是政治、經濟、軍事、文化也包括“精神” 在內的總危机。美國社會千瘡百孔，金融財政危机日益加深，經濟情況進一步惡化，通貨膨脹惡性發展，國際收支逆差巨大，美元地位岌岌可危，生產“過剩”危机陰云密布等一系列險象，世人有目共睹，豈是“富裕社會”几個騙人的字所掩蓋得了的！？他的前任約翰遜在下台的前夕，就憂心忡忡地承認美國陷于嚴重的財政經濟危机之中，遇到了“難于應付”的“挑戰”。難道這些“挑戰”由于尼克松進入白宮就煙消云散了嗎？想用“精神危机”來掩蓋美帝國主義在物質方面和政治方面的困難，這种鴕鳥的伎倆簡直比“此地無銀三百兩”還要笨。尼克松招供說：美帝國主義 “在精神方面卻是貧乏的”，這句話說對了。美帝國主義、蘇聯修正主義及世界上一切反動派，他們在“精神上”确實“貧乏”到再也拿不出什么貨色來了。馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想的偉大精神力量，喚醒了和正在繼續喚醒著全世界億万人民起來戰斗，把一切剝削階級反動思想拋到垃圾堆里去。尼克松念念有詞地祈求“上帝”保佑之后，挖空心思地拿出几件破銅爛鐵，什么“善良”，“仁慈”，“博愛”等等，只能引起一陣陣嘲笑，哪能擋得住馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想在全世界的胜利進軍！
尼克松環顧全球，舉目無親，除了世界上那些大大小小的反動派之外，他把最大的希望寄托在美帝國主義的頭號幫凶蘇修叛徒集團身上。尼克松在就職演說中接過了蘇修的口號，大肆鼓吹要同蘇修“開展一場和平競賽”，要同蘇修“共同合作”，進入“新的世界”，等等。而蘇修叛徒集團也把最大的希望寄托在美帝國主義身上。這伙叛徒們肉麻地向新上任的尼克松作了最無恥的捧場，表示什么“最良好的祝愿”，說什么要“共同解決業已成熟的國際問題”，并且就在尼克松上台的同一天迫不及待地拋出了關于裁軍問題的“政策聲明”，作為賀禮和獻媚。還特別安排了“著名的”教會頭目和“理論物理學家”在尼克松上台這一天“乘飛机前往美國”。蘇修報刊甚至吹噓尼克松可以使美國資本主義“最終擺脫最复雜的危机”。卑躬屈膝，真是竭盡阿諛逢迎之能事！
“同病相怜”，确是如此，尼克松這一篇無可奈何的供狀，其實也代表了蘇修叛徒集團走投無路的心境。蘇聯工人階級和勞動人民反對蘇修叛徒集團反動統治的斗爭日益發展，蘇修叛徒集團侵占捷克斯洛伐克象一根自己套在脖子上的絞索，越拉越緊。蘇修叛徒們的日子越來越不好過。在這种情況下，勃列日涅夫、柯西金集團，就迫不及待地把希望寄托在美帝新頭目的支持，妄圖用美蘇互相勾結重新瓜分世界，來挽救它徹底失敗的命運。然而，兩個快要淹死的人相互拉扯只能使他們下沉得更快。蘇修這一切丑態，只能使全世界人民進一步看清它作為美帝幫凶的反革命面目，促進自己的滅亡。
我們的偉大領袖毛主席一九四七年在談到美帝國主義的外強中干時就指出：“它的強大，只是表面的和暫時的。國內國外的各种不可調和的矛盾，就象一座火山，每天都在威脅美國帝國主義，美國帝國主義就是坐在這座火山上。”毛主席還教導我們：“搗亂，失敗，再搗亂，再失敗，直至滅亡——這就是帝國主義和世界上一切反動派對待人民事業的邏輯，他們決不會違背這個邏輯的。這是一條馬克思主義的定律。”尼克松的就職演說盡管無可奈何地反映了美帝國主義的內外交困，走投無路，但是同時也表明它還是要繼續進行垂死掙扎。尼克松并不掩飾，他不論在國內還是在國外都將繼續使用反革命的兩手，妄圖挽救美帝國主義的嚴重的政治經濟危机，實現美帝國主義的反革命全球戰略。他一面向美國人民開出一大堆“自由”、“福利”的空頭支票，一面叫嚷要維護所謂“法律”、“秩序”，進一步鎮壓美國人民。他一面侈談“締造和平”，一面狂叫什么“我們需要多么強大，我們就一定會有多么強大”。這都說明，尼克松決心要沿著杜魯門、艾森豪威爾、肯尼迪、約翰遜的老路繼續蠻干下去。階級斗爭的歷史經驗告訴我們：每當美帝國主義嘴里高唱“和平”的時候，也就是它准備進一步擴軍備戰的時候。我們必須牢牢記住毛主席的教導：“被壓迫人民和被壓迫民族，決不能把自己的解放寄托在帝國主義及其走狗的‘明智’上面，而只有通過加強團結、堅持斗爭，才能取得胜利。” 我們一定要百倍提高革命警惕，把反對帝國主義、現代修正主義、各國反動派的偉大斗爭進行到底。
走投無路的尼克松竟說到了未來。這倒是頗為稀奇的：他竟談論起“第三個一千年的開始”和“再過八年”要“慶祝”美國“建國二百周年”。快要進墳墓的人用幻想中的天堂來安慰自己，這反映了一种接近死亡的階級的自我麻醉和絕望掙扎。我們的時代，是世界革命的偉大的新時代，是帝國主義走向全面崩潰、社會主義走向全世界胜利的時代。從一七七六年通過獨立宣言以來，美國經歷了發展和沒落的過程。近兩百年的歷史中，美帝國主義在世界上干盡了坏事，美元中滲透了世界勞動人民的鮮血，現在已經到了日暮途窮，只能是一天一天爛下去，“一代不如一代”。這就決定了尼克松政府的處境只會比它的前任更坏，而尼克松的后任的處境只能比尼克松更坏。“再過八年”，不管美國壟斷資產階級換上什么人當“總統”，其境遇只能比尼克松更慘。這就是現實的回答。至于到“第三個一千年的開始”即二○○一年時，那將是無產階級革命在全世界胜利的光輝節日，是馬克思主義、列宁主義、毛澤東思想在全世界胜利的光輝節日。革命的人們將用《共產党宣言》中的預言作自己的凱歌：“無產者在這個革命中失去的只是自己頸上的鎖鏈。而他們所能獲得的卻是整個世界。”
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尼克松第一任总统就职演说
MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1969
Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans——and my fellow citizens of the world community:
I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.
Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries.
This can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.
In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth.
For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace.
Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years——the beginning of the third millennium.
What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.
The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America——the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.
This is our summons to greatness.
I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.
The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.
We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.
We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history.
No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things."
Our crisis today is the reverse.
We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous discord on earth.
We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.
To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.
To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.
When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things——such as goodness, decency, love, kindness.
Greatness comes in simple trappings.
The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us.
To lower our voices would be a simple thing.
In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words; from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.
We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another——until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways——to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart——to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.
Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.
Those left behind, we will help to catch up.
For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.
As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before——not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.
In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.
In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life——in all these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.
We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.
The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.
But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.
Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the legions of the concerned and the committed.
What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.
To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our people——enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood newspaper instead of the national journal.
With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit——each of us raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor, helping, caring, doing.
I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure——one as rich as humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.
The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his own destiny.
Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly whole.
The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility in the spirit that inspires that use.
As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.
No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all is to go forward together.
This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.
As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go forward together with all mankind.
Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it permanent.
After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.
Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open.
We seek an open world——open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people——a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.
We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.
Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition——not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.
As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together——not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.
With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and the hungry.
But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.
Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.
I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world.
I know that peace does not come through wishing for it——that there is no substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.
I also know the people of the world.
I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no ideology, no race.
I know America. I know the heart of America is good.
I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.
I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations.
Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:
The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us; with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.
Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the darkness.
As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth——and in that voice so clear across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its goodness.
In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish to write:
"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal cold——brothers who know now they are truly brothers."
In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their thoughts toward home and humanity——seeing in that far perspective that man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.
We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the remaining dark. Let us gather the light.
Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness—— and, "riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith, steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.
